ISSN/EISSN: 01215612 19606004
Subject:
Political Science
Publisher: Universidad de los Andes (Bogotá)
Country: Colombia
Language: English, Spanish
Start year 1988
Publication fee:
No
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Loading...This paper addresses the contradictions between the indigenous political project in Ecuador and of those projects of both the central government and the external actors. The promotion of collective rights has arisen as a central claim of the indigenous groups who aim to participate in the definition of the national economic and politic development model facing ambiguous opponents. This complex interaction is analyzed in order to reveal how an apparent convergence of discourses around the promotion of decentralization and participative democracy hides a huge diversity of social and political change projects.

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Loading...This article describes different stages of the indigenous political mobilizations in Colombia, stages which reflect their particular combination of struggle strategies and their different degrees of articulation to the State: self-government, direct action, use of legal resources, and electoral participation. It shows how the Colombian opening to multiculturalism, which took place in 1991 and has been associated with a relative institutionalization of indigenous demands formulated since the seventies, does not prevent the permanence—or revitalization—of practices of resis-tance, as in the case of those called Mingas. In a transversal manner, the emphasis is put on how specific claims based on Indianness go hand in hand with alliances and broader claims in favor of the construction of another society, one being inclusive and equitable.

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Loading...This article presents a preliminary analysis on the relation between social movements and political institutions, a subject which has not been sufficiently explored by literature. The analysis is based on a case study on the relationship between the housing movement in Sao Paulo and the Marta Suplicy government (2001-2004), and from the Workers' Party (PT). The discussion is divided in two parts: in the first one, we develop the argument that the relationship between social movements and the political system is permeated by an intrinsic tension between the principles of autonomy and political efficacy. In the second part, we explore this discussion relating it to the specific dilemmas that bound participation in the city of Sao Paulo, using the housing movement as an empirical reference.

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Loading...In a global context especially influenced by the obviousness and the recognition of the multicultural feature of contemporary societies, and in which the idea of citizenship is changing, this text refers to the case of Afro-descendant populations in Latin America. We present an overview of some of their experiences of organization and political mobilization that is part of an ongoing study. The examples presented show the continuity between specific claims related to racial discrimination and cultural rights articulated with a discourse of civic integration.

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Loading...Do parties, which proclaim a gender equity commitment, translate such commitment by including quotas for women in their electoral lists and directorate? Do they have financial funds and political training policies expressly directed towards women? As the Colombian case shows, parties are complex and contradictory organizations, which can at the programmatic level express a deep commitment towards gender equity and at other levels, react with hostility against women quotas and exclusionary policies.

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Loading...This article analyzes the main problems that the new Political Constitution of Bolivia is facing before being implemented, once it was approved on February 2009. In addition, it also studies how the constitutional provisions were negotiated in order to make the constitutional referendum viable. What were the political conflicts in the critical juncture 2008-2009, and what kind of reflection should be considered as to how the new emerging regional and local governments—together with its decentralized structures—are able to renew democracy in Bolivia within the framework of the Plurinational State? The multiple challenges ahead are highly difficult to confront from democratic theory perspectives.

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Loading...Due to the high levels of violence in Latin America, the security policy debate has hesitated between two approaches: the Zero Tolerance approach and the preventive social policy; it is a false dilemma. The effectiveness of both the ‘nightstick’ and the ‘carrot’ depends on the quality of democracy. If the State actor’s action responds to particularistic logics, and it is not able to guarantee that the rule of law reaches the entire territory, security policies could become an additional source of insecurity. The quality of democracy as a regime and as the rule of law should be considered prior to uncritically copying foreign security policies. It is wise to do so while designing incentives systems for the security sector.

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Loading...The present global recession that sprung out of the US banking and Real Estate sectors in 2007 has its roots in the massive State and financial upheavals implemented in the face of the 1970s crisis of over accumulation. These transformations had as their objective the reneging of the Keynesian, tripartite model of regulation and its association with the ‘Welfare State’. As such, the post-1970 neo-liberal financial order can be best seen as a ‘class project’ to reassert the dominance of grand capital, especially financial capital, both in the political and economic fields. Examining the intricate links between the present crisis and the structural governance changes enacted over the past 30 years, principally in the United States, the fallacies of ultra-growth and the speculative model become obvious as do their class dimensions and impact. However, despite the seeming ideological death of neo-liberalism, on close inspection, the policies so far enacted by the Obama administration make no concerted move out of the past era of financial sector hegemony.

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Loading...This article describes the situation of people living in the Ecuadorian provinces of Esmeraldas, Carchi and Sucumbios, which abut the Colombian departments of Nariño and Putumayo. Nowadays this place is considered a war zone due to the high presence of illegal armed groups linked to the drug trade and other related activities. As a result, both states conducted daily monitoring operations to deter the presence of coca leaf crops, cocaine laboratories and clandestine bases of guerrillas and paramilitaries. This study had the cooperation of residents that lived within the 725 km border, who recounted how their daily lives were and what their demands were to reduce their vulnerability to illegal activity. In addition was a brief description of the historical context of drug trafficking in the Andean region and the influence of the anti-drug policy of the United States.

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Loading...As a modern ideology, utilitarian liberalism emerges under the act of establishing objective criteria of secular morality. The greatest happiness principle is taken as the main principle for guiding action; nevertheless, its expression and application differs into versions of utilitarian liberalism. Hence, in this text, the author presents how different epistemological proposals, which intent to give background to moral objective principles and to interpret social relations, affect utilitarian liberalism as an ideology. In other words, in a wide sense, utilitarianism is taken as a coherent set of values and ideas that constitutes sense of social reality. Consequently, and taking the works of Mill and Bentham, an analysis of modern utilitarianism is done. According to it, the author argues that Bentham´s formulation embeds an aporia due to unilateral use of instrumental rationality, which restricts its capacity to constitute sense. The aporia can only be overcome by the introduction of ethical principles, as Mill does, that allows the validation of utilitarian liberalism as an ideology.